Robert Fisk: Secret armies pose sinister new threat to Lebanon

Published: 19 October 2007

Lebanon is peopled with ghosts. But the phantoms now returning to haunt this damaged country –the militias which tore it apart more than 30 years ago – are real. Guns are flooding back into the country – $800 for an AK-47, $3,700 for a brand-new French Famas – as Lebanon security apparatus hunt desperately for the leadership of the new and secret armies.
Only last week, they arrested two followers of ex-General Michel Aoun – the pro-Hezbollah opposition's apparent candidate for president – for allegedly training pro-Aounist gunmen. After themselves being accused of acting like a militia for arresting Dario Kodeih and Elie Abi Younes, the Lebanese Internal Security Force issued a photograph of Christian gunmen holding AK-47 and M-16 rifles. Aoun's party replied quaintly that "they were just out having fun with real weapons but were not undergoing any military training". Fun indeed.
What now worries the Lebanese authorities, however, is the sheer scale of weaponry arriving in Lebanon. It appears to include new Glock pistols (asking price $1,000). There are growing fears, moreover, that many of these guns are from the vast stock of 190,000 rifles and pistols which the US military "lost" when they handed them out to Iraqi police officers without registering their numbers or destination. The American weapons included 125,000 Glock pistols. The Lebanese-Iraqi connection is anyway well established. A growing number of suicide bombers in Iraq come from the Lebanese cities of Tripoli and Sidon.
Fouad Siniora's Lebanese government – supplied by the US with recent shipments of new weapons for the official Lebanese army – has now admitted that militias are also being created among Muslim pro-government groups. Widespread reports that Saad Hariri – son of the assassinated ex-Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri – has himself created an embryo militia have been officially denied. But a number of armed Hariri supporters initially opened fire into the Nahr el-Bared Palestinian camp after its takeover by pro-Al-Qaida gunmen last April. Hariri's men also have forces in Beirut (supposedly unarmed) and again this is denied. Those who suspect the opposite, however, might like to check the register of the Mayflower Hotel in the western sector of Beirut.
The Fatah Al-Islam rebels who took over Nahr el-Bared last April – 400 died in the 206-day siege by the army, 168 of them soldiers – also used new weapons, including sniper rifles. In a gloomy ceremony last week, the military buried 98 of the 222 Muslim fighters who died, in a mass grave in Tripoli. They included Palestinians but also men from Syria, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Yemen, Tunis and Algeria.
Among the militants of Fatah Al -Islam still sought by Lebanese authorities are three Russians – "Abu Abdullah", Tamour Vladimir Khoskov and Aslan Eric Yimkojayev – all believed to be from the former Soviet Muslim republics. A fourth Russian citizen, Sergei Vladimir Fisotsk, is in custody in Beirut. Along with three Palestinians member of Fatah Al-Islam, he faces a possible death sentence.
Siniora's government is well aware of the dangers that these new developments represent – "such a situation could lead to a new civil war", one minister said of the military training taking place in Lebanon – in a country in which only the Hezbollah militia, classed as a "resistance" movement, hitherto had permission to bear arms. But Hezbollah too has been re-arming; not only with rockets but with small arms that could only be used in street fighting. Aoun's supporters were allegedly practising with weapons near the town of Byblos north of Beirut but there are reports of further training in the Bekaa Valley.
Military outposts manned by Palestinian gunmen loyal to Syria have reappeared in the Bekaa, closely watched by a Lebanese army which was severely blooded in the Nahr El-Bared fighting. Sayed Mohamed Hussein Fadlallah, one of the most senior – and wisest – Shi'ite clerics in Lebanon, warned last Friday: "Rearming as well as the tense and sectarianism-loaded political rhetoric, all threaten Lebanon's diversity and expose Lebanon to divisions." Fadlallah stated that the US – which supports Hariri – wished to divide the country. The American plan to chop up Iraq, it seems, is another ghost that has crept silently into Lebanon.

War-torn Lebanon's Bekaa Valley is a wine country respite

Long before it gained a reputation as a bastion for the militant Islamic group Hezbollah, Lebanon's Bekaa Valley was known for its red wines and lush countryside.

By Borzou Daragahi, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
July 23, 2007

Bekaa Valley, Lebanon — The thick blanket of fog hampering our travels finally begins to recede. A checkpoint emerges from the haze. A gaggle of Lebanese soldiers in uniform standing guard calmly waves us through. We descend further toward the lush expanse of farmland and lakes emerging below. The vineyards of the Bekaa Valley beckon.

It is mid-May in Lebanon, and snow still streaks the mountains to the east marking the Syrian frontier.
A day earlier, I was caught up in the fighting between Lebanese troops and Islamic extremists in and around a refugee camp up north. Bullets pinged and mortars crashed. Three nights ago, an explosion rocked a shopping mall near where we were dining. Ambulance sirens screamed and panicked residents fled for cover.
But all that seems fairly far away. I am with my wife, Delphine Minoui, of the French paper Le Figaro and my friend Ed Wong of the New York Times. We are all war correspondents, veterans of the Iraq conflict. But today we are trying to get our minds out of war. We are on a brief tasting tour through Lebanon's famous wine country, which is nurtured by cold, wet winters and hot, dry summers.
Long before it gained a reputation as a bastion for the militant Islamic group Hezbollah, the Bekaa Valley was known for its red wines. Historians estimate that wine was first produced in Lebanon about 4,000 years ago. The ruins of a temple devoted to the Roman god Bacchus stand in the city of Baalbek.
Of course, friends thought we were insane to indulge in wine tourism with bombs and bullets flying. But we needed a break, and alongside its manifold troubles, Lebanon has always been a major tourist destination, often called the Switzerland of the Middle East.
It's easy to see why. The Lebanese are festive, sophisticated and friendly, often toggling between Arabic and perfect English and French. Its sunny beaches are a stone's throw from its famed ski resorts.
Lebanon has a modern, convenient airport with direct connections to major European and Middle Eastern capitals. Amman, Jordan, and Damascus, Syria, are only a couple of hours away by car. Lebanon is a small country, with almost all of its attractions within a two-hour drive of the capital, Beirut.
Because of the recent violence, including the war between Israel and Hezbollah last summer and the fighting in the refugee camps, the swanky hotels of Beirut have cut their rates dramatically, sometimes by as much as two-thirds.
We stayed at the luxurious Albergo (http://www.albergobeirut.com/), a fabulously well-appointed 33-suite boutique hotel in the upscale Achrafieh district, for less than $200 a night instead of the ordinary price of well more than $400.
Hotels such as the modern Crowne Plaza in the lively Hamra district and the revamped Commodore, which was home to most journalists during the Lebanese civil war and is now run by Le Meridien, can be had for $100 or less a night if you haggle.
Rather than rent a car and risk driving off a mountain road after swilling wine all day, we arranged for a taxi with one of the many reputable car services in Beirut. We went with Lord Taxi (011-961-1-217770). Our driver shows up in a late-model Mercedes-Benz with air-conditioning. He tells us with a laugh that his name is Jihad, which means Muslim holy war.
But he explains that he is a Christian whose parents were staunch Arab nationalists.
Before heading to the vineyards, we make a pit stop at the famous Ottoman-era castle at Beit Eddine (http://www.beiteddine.org/), which plays host to performing arts groups throughout the summer.
The fortress, shrouded by evergreens and pine trees atop a terraced hillside 2,500 feet above sea level, is worth the half an hour or so in extra driving time it adds to a trip from Beirut to the vineyards.
Beit Eddine was the palace of the Bashir Shihab II, the Ottoman prince who reigned over the area known as Lebanon from 1788 to 1840. It is an elaborate labyrinth of gardens, baths and resplendent living quarters decorated with handcrafted cedar-wood carvings and pink marble. Fountains throughout the building serve as a primitive air-conditioning system.
Our tour guide speaks French much better than English, which is taught here as a third language. Ed and I think it's quaint that Lebanon remains committed to its Francophone heritage but are grateful we're with Delphine, a native French speaker.
By the time we leave the castle and descend into the Bekaa, it is already time for lunch. We opt to eat at the splendid Blue Lake Restaurant (011-961-8-860146), near the village of Saghbine. It is known for its trout and is surrounded by a huge outdoor terrace that looks upon Lake Karaoun. A meal including hearty appetizers and soft drinks costs about $15 per person.
Down the road is the Cave Kouroum (http://www.cavekouroum.com/), among the newest of the Bekaa wine distilleries. Sami Reha and his brother launched the winery 10 years ago with a capacity to produce 5 million liters, though it's able to procure only enough grapes and bottles to produce about 1 million bottles a year. Vintners plant in January and February, when the saplings arrive from France or Italy.
The summer war last year between Israel and Hezbollah didn't directly affect the vineyards. Shipments were turned back before reaching their destinations. The vineyards also could not produce an increasingly popular Beaujolais-type wine. But fortunately, the war ended two days before the harvest began.
The war was nothing compared with the larger challenges of producing wine in the Muslim Middle East, where some grape growers refuse to sell to vineyards for religious regions.
But Reha, who says he is the only Muslin vintner in Bekaa, tells us that all the troubles are worth it once he tastes the product, especially his Syrah-Cabernet Sauvignon blend, which he sells for about $20 a bottle.
"Wine is life itself," he says. "It has life in it. It can be affected by everything: the weather, the noise, the light."
Up the road is the famous 56-year-old Kefraya vineyards (http://www.chateaukefraya.com/), the Bekaa's leading producer of wine, with 2.5 million bottles annually. Carnations line the walkways between the vineyards, named after famous opera composers such as Verdi, Puccini and Rossini. A restaurant (about $30 a meal, including wine) adjoins an elegant tasting room that glows orange with natural light.
Kefraya's most celebrated wine, the Comte de M, is a smooth, dry blend of Cabernet Sauvignon and Syrah grapes. When it first emerged in 1996, it scored an impressive 91 rating in Robert Parker's Wine Advocate. Its grapes are planted at a height of more than 3,000 feet. More recent vintages range in price from $29 a bottle for the 2002 all the way up to $83 for the 1999.
Lebanese wines, similar to the produce of nearby Israel, lean heavily toward the dry side. Reha says an unblended Lebanese Cabernet Sauvignon remains undrinkable for at least 10 years. Experts compare Lebanese reds favorably with other so-called New World wines.
"It's very powerful and at the same time soft and rounded," said OIivier Watrin, a Bordeaux wine merchant who has traveled to Lebanon.
Even the Lebanese whites tend toward spicy rather than fruity. My wife, who prefers sweeter wines, is entranced by the variety of desert wines available at the vineyards, including Kefraya's Lacrima d'Oro ($10).
Ksara (http://www.ksara.com.lb/), in the provincial capital of Zahle, is the region's oldest vineyard. Although its natural caves are famous, visitors generally sit before a video instead of being taken on a guided tour.
Zahle is also epicenter of the wine business. Visitors can dine or stay overnight at the Grand Hotel Kadri (http://www.grandhotelkadri.com/); $137 a night for two includes bed and breakfast), a splendid Ottoman-era estate with a piano bar overlooking the Berdawni River.
Smaller Lebanese vineyards include Clos de Cana (http://www.closdecana.com/) and Clos St. Thomas (http://www.closstthomas.com/). Club Grappe (http://www.clubgrappe.com/), a Lebanese tour service, organizes trips from Beirut to vineyards off the beaten path.
We'd like to visit as many as possible, but the day's crisp sunshine has begun to fade and it's time for us to head back up the mountain road toward Beirut. Despite the crystal-clear day in wine country, we find that the fog has only thickened since the morning.

Al Qaeda Losses in Lebanon (Strategypage.com - October 7, 2007)

Four months ago, Lebanese security forces found themselves battling some 500 al Qaeda terrorists in a Palestinian refugee camp (actually a walled town of over 31,000) outside the northern city of Tripoli. The three month battle left over 400 dead (220 terrorists, 168 Lebanese soldiers and police, plus 47 Palestinian civilians). Some 200 terrorists were captured, and a few dozen escaped. Most of the Palestinian civilians were forced to flee the camp.

About two thirds of the dead terrorists were identified, using documents, DNA analysis and families coming forward to seek kin they believe had joined this al Qaeda group. While most of the dead terrorists were Palestinian, a large majority were from other Arab countries (Syria, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Yemen, Tunis and Algeria). About half of the bodies were claimed by families. The rest were buried by the Lebanese government.

The battle was a big deal in Lebanon, where Lebanese have long resented Palestinians bringing violence to the country, and supporting terrorism that has made Lebanese politics more violent. The al Qaeda terrorists are believed to be the pawns of Syria, which claims Lebanon as part of Greater Syria. Syria gave sanctuary to the leaders of this group, as well as Palestinian terrorist groups and various other Sunni Arab groups allied with al Qaeda. Syria has become an assembly area for al Qaeda, and other terrorist groups, a place where recruits know they can come to get some training and then be sent off to countries where Islamic terrorism is being used in an effort to establish religious dictatorships. The only place where this has succeeded is in Iran, which is shameful to al Qaeda, which considers heretical the Shia form of Islam practiced in Iran.

Lebanon's growing trend of arms and militiasSana Abdallah & agency dispatches (ME Times - October 5, 2007)

BEIRUT -- The political crisis in Lebanon could take a turn for the worse as security authorities focus on a resurging and disturbing trend that is capable of dragging the country back into another civil war: armed militias. Lebanese newspapers Friday splashed their pages with photographs of young men and women dressed in military fatigues, carrying machine guns, and some undergoing paramilitary training. The authorities, who distributed the images, said those depicted were members of former army Gen. Michel Aoun's Christian opposition Free Patriotic Movement (FPM). They said two FPM members had been arrested Thursday after the photographs were found, and accused them of carrying out illegal paramilitary training. The group denied the allegations, saying the photographs were taken over-18-months-ago and the youth were volunteers protecting Aoun's residence outside Beirut in 2005. The FPM blasted the authorities for storming into the homes of two of its members, insisting there were no weapons seized or military uniforms found, accusing the authorities of siding with the pro-Western government backed by the March 14 Alliance. The group also accused the authorities of trying to divert attention away from its demand to investigate how militant Fatah Al Islam elements had been financed and armed in recent battles with the army that lasted almost three months outside Nahr Al Bared refugee camp in Northern Lebanon. FPM spokesman Alain Aoun told Agence France-Presse (AFP): "The kids made a mistake." He insisted they were not combat units "as the ruling majority is claiming ... They were just out having fun with real weapons, but were not undergoing any military training as such." Whatever the truth behind these photographs, many Lebanese don't see that playing with real weapons - especially in light of the serious political crisis - as "fun." The Lebanese are becoming increasingly worried over a rising trend of available arms in the hands of rival political groups and their supporters. Political leaders have been accusing each other of stocking up on firearms and forming militias in the past year; the authorities have, on several occasions, announced the seizure of illegal weapons from political groups that either back the government of Prime Minister Fuad Siniora or the opposition, supported by Syria and Iran. With the Taif accord that ended Lebanon's 1975 to 1990 civil war, all factions disarmed their militias, excluding the Shiite Hezbollah organization, which has made good on its promise never to turn its guns against its people, only at Israel. Few believe the denials made by every party - except Hezbollah - that they were stocking up on arms and training militias. And the government, which has hardly been effective in the past year while the opposition has been trying to have it replaced, says it does not tolerate political parties having their own security forces, warning that doing so could lead to a new civil war. George Alam, an independent Lebanese political analyst, said there is a trend of armament in the country and that "outside forces" with interests are financing this trend. "A green light was given by some outside parties to finance this trend, in light of the political instability in Lebanon," Alam told the Middle East Times in a telephone interview. With the way in which the country's political forces is now divided, "outside parties" means both the US and West on the one hand, and Syria and Iran on the other. "I believe the previous militias have returned to the scene and all that's needed is a new decision to ignite a new civil war," Alam warned, in reference to some former warlords who are now leading political parties, backed by one-or-another foreign force. While the analyst ruled out another civil war breaking out in the immediate future, "because there is a glimmer of hope for a solution to the political deadlock," he said the growing trend of forming and arming militias is linked to attempts by some politicians to "internationalize" the issue of militias and expand on UN Security Council Resolution 1559. Resolution 1559 called for the disarming of all militias, implicitly indicating Hezbollah, which refuses to give up its weapons as it considers itself an anti-Israeli resistance organization. However, some of the Western-backed, anti-Syrian March 14 Alliance groups are seeking to spell out Hezbollah by name in that international resolution, in an effort to weaken the group, which enjoys substantial grassroots support. And some analysts believe the leaning toward bringing in arms, setting up militias, and training them is an attempt to shock the international community to intervene in the Shiite group's disarmament. The question remains: Can the surge of weapons in the hands of bickering political groups be controlled now? Alam does not believe so. "We cannot control this trend and the people taking advantage of the political chaos in the absence of a functioning government," he said. "Until the election of the president, all options are open." The government allies and the opposition - led by Hezbollah, and including the Shiite Amal movement of parliament speaker Nabih Berri and Aoun's FPM - have been deadlocked over the choice of a new president to replace pro-Syrian incumbent Emile Lahoud. The first parliamentary session held last month to elect a successor failed to achieve a quorum and the House is due to reconvene October 23 to vote for a new president

It is About Time Lebanon

A political documentary covering 30 years of war and post war in Lebanon. It highlights the real mistakes by the lebanese people. Rare war footage is included.

الردّ على ردّ أحمد فتفت:‏ الصدقيّة في الخطاب والفعل السياسي - أسعد أبو خليل - الأخبار

أسعد أبو خليل *

كنت أرغب في أن يصدر ردّي على طريقة ردّ الوزير فتفت: أي عن مكتبي الإعلامي، لكن لا مكتب إعلامياً لديّ. ‏يعيب عليّ الوزير أنني لم ألتقه يوماً، وهذا صحيح. إن لقاء وزير الرياضة البدنية في لبنان شرف لا أدّعيه. لكنّي ‏لم أفهم ما عناه هنا. هل هي دعوة غير مباشرة منه لي لشرب كوب من... الشاي معه؟ ثم هل يتوجب اللقاء ‏لممارسة حق النقد؟ ومن قال إنه وجب على الناقد التعرف بالمنقود قبل نقده؟ أما قوله إنني لم أطّلع على مواقفه ‏من قبل ولا على آرائه، فهذا غير صحيح. وإطلالات الوزير التلفزيونية أكثر من إطلالات نور الشريف في ‏المسلسلات الرمضانية، فكيف يمكن أن تخفى على المرء إطلالاته. وسأستشهد في هذا الرد ببعض أقواله للتدليل ‏على معرفتي بمواقفه ــــــ السابقة واللاحقة.‏من أين نبدأ يا أيها الوزير فتفت؟ من موقفك اليوم من المقاومة؟ أوتذكر أنك أنت القائل إن «المقاومة هي الطريق ‏الوحيد لاسترداد الحقوق المسلوبة والمغتصبة»؟ (المستقبل، 27 كانون الثاني، 2004، ص. 4)، فما عدا مما بدا حتى تلهج اليوم بحمد «النضال الحضاري»؟ ألم تكن أنت نفسك تصرّ على معرفة مصير يحيى سكاف (المستقبل، 7 شباط، ‏‏2004، ص. 3)؟ أية صدقية هي تلك الصدقية يا حضرة الوزير الموقّر عندما تتغيّر المواقف بتغيّر هوية الراعي ‏الخارجي للبلد. ما استجدّ؟ هل تحرّر يحيى سكاف من الأسر ونحن لم نعلم؟ هل تحررت مزارع شبعا وتلال كفرشوبا ‏وقرية الغجر بفضل دبلوماسية السنيورة (ودموعه)؟أوتريدني أن أُنعش ذاكرتك بما كنت تقوله عن الحرب الأميركية في العراق؟ أوتذكر إشادتك بـ«عمليات المقاومة ‏العراقية ضد قوات الاحتلال الأميركية ــــــ البريطانية»؟ (الشرق الأوسط، 7 يونيو/حزيران، 2003). هل قلت هذا الكلام في ‏زيارتك الأخيرة لواشنطن؟ أم تغيرت يا حضرة الوزير بعد مغادرة الجيش السوري لبنان؟ هل قلتَ هذا الكلام خلال لقائك مارتن إنديك في مركز صابان؟ أوتذكر استنكارك للموقف الأميركي من القضاء اللبناني عام ‏‏2003 عندما كنت آنذاك «تستهجن» التدخل الأميركي في الشؤون الداخلية اللبنانية (المستقبل، 4 تشرين الأول، ‏‏2003)، أم ستزعم اليوم أن التدخل الأميركي في الشأن اللبناني قد اضمحل، مثلما توقع ماركس «اضمحلال» ‏الدولة في المرحلة الشيوعية؟ أنسيت يا حضرة الوزير أنك أنتَ ـــــ ما غيرك ـــــ القائل إن «بدعة الديموقراطية ‏الأميركية الآتية على متن الدبابات والصواريخ لن تتمكن من كسر إرادة الشعوب التي ستنتصر في نهاية ‏المطاف»؟ (المستقبل، 5 نيسان، 2003، ص. 16)، ألم تعتبر آنذاك الموقف السوري معبّراً «بشكل واضح وصريح ‏عن رأي معظم الشعوب العربية ومشاعرها»؟ وتحدثني عن المبدئية؟أما بالنسبة إلى مواقفك من النظام السوري، أما تماديت في اختلاق البطولات؟ ألا توقّفت عن إهانة ذاكرتنا واحتقار ‏ذكائنا يا حضرة وزير الرياضة البدنية والشباب؟ ألم تقل أنت إن «التعاون مع سوريا خيار استراتيجي»؟ (الشرق ‏الأوسط، 13 مايو/أيار، 2001) ألم تدعُ أنت (أنتَ يا أحمد فتفت لا فايز شكر) الى أن «نكون حلفاء أقوياء للشقيقة سوريا» ‏بوجه «الهجمة الأميركية»؟ (المستقبل، 28 آب، 2004، ص. 4). كان هذا في عام 2004، يا حضرة الوزير. هل ‏ستزعم أنك يومها كنت جاهلاً بطبيعة النظام وبممارسات الاستخبارات السورية في لبنان؟ أم واحد من الذين ‏يزعمون في 14 آذار أن غشاوة ثقيلة منعت عنكم الرؤية لسنوات؟ أتريدني أن أُنعش ذاكرتك أكثر يا حضرة الوزير؟ هل نسيت حضورك عام 2003 احتفال قيادة حزب البعث العربي الاشتراكي في تل عباس لمناسبة «الذكرى ‏الثالثة لغياب الرئيس السوري الراحل حافظ الأسد»؟ (الشرق الأوسط، 9 يونيو/حزيران، 2003)، أنسيت إشادتك بـ«الاستقرار ‏الذي تتمتع به سوريا» عام 2004؟ (المستقبل، 29 نيسان، 2004، ص 3). ‏ثم ماذا كنت تقول عن النظام السوري آنذاك، وتحدثني عن الصدقية اليوم يا حضرة الوزير؟ وتحدثني اليوم عن ‏تصدّيك للوصاية السورية عام 2000؟ أوتظنني كنتُ طفلاً أحبو؟ عليّ أنا يا وزير فتفت؟ ألم تحضر أنتَ ‏بنفسك مؤتمر «التضامن مع سوريا والتنديد بتصريحات عون في الكونغرس الأميركي»؟ أتذكر اللافتة في صدر ‏القاعة التي طالبت السلطات اللبنانية بمحاكمته بجرم الخيانة العظمى؟ ألم يدعُ بيان المجتمعين، وأنت منهم، الى ‏تجريده من جنسيته اللبنانية لجرأته على مهاجمة النظام في سوريا؟ (الشرق الأوسط، 26 أيلول، 2003)، (وأنا للأمانة ‏كنت معارضاً لحركة ميشال عون لأنها تحالفت آنذاك مع قوى صهيونية في أميركا كما تتحالفون أنتم اليوم في ‏‏14 آذار مع القوى نفسها)، ‏ثم ألا توقفتَ عن ادعاء البطولات في عدم التصويت من أجل التمديد؟ ألم تصرّح وتشدد آنذاك على أن معارضتك للتمديد ‏لا تعني القبول «بالضغوط التي تمارسها بعض الدول الأجنبية» على سوريا؟ (المستقبل، 1 أيلول، 2004، ص. 3)، ألم ‏تقل آنذاك إن رؤيتك للسلام هي رؤية حافظ الأسد عينها؟ أنسيتَ أم تناسيتَ يا حضرة الوزير؟ أوتذكر أنك أنتَ ‏القائل إن خلافك وخلاف رفيق الحريري مع لحود لم يكونا يوماً «حول العلاقة مع سوريا أو المقاومة»؟ (المستقبل، 26 ‏حزيران، 2004، ص. 4)، ألم تصدق القول آنذاك عندما قلتَ إن خلافكم مع لحود انحصر بـ«المشاكل الاقتصادية ‏والإدارية»؟ ثم تأتي اليوم لتختلق بطولات وهمية حول السيادة وحول الاستقلال! ‏يتحداني الوزير أن أعطيه مثالاً واحداً عن مواقف طائفية له. سأعطيه أكثر من مثال. سأبدأ من مقابلته ‏الشهيرة مع مراسلة الـ«لوس أنجلوس تايمز» ميغن ستاك (وهي تمت بحضور مراسل جريدة «الغلوب إند مايل» ‏الكندية). وأنا أذكر اسم ستاك لأقول للوزير إنني عالم بما لم تصرح هي به حول موضوع تلك المقابلة. لقد تكلم ‏الوزير بطائفية صارخة في تلك المقابلة (ولست في موقع للتحدث باسم الصحافية ستاك هنا)، ثم نفى كلامه بالعربية ‏في وسائل الإعلام اللبنانية. سأكتفي بالقول هنا بأنني عالم بما قال الوزير عن نفيه العربي للمراسلة المذكورة، ولنذكّر ‏القراء بأن صحيفة الـ«لوس أنجلوس تايمز» لم تتلقَّ حتى الساعة تصحيحاً أو تكذيباً لمقابلته تلك. قد تكمن المشكلة في ‏البريد يا حضرة الوزير. تسألنا عن أمثلة في الطائفية يا حضرة الوزير وأنت عضو في تيار المستقبل الذي نافس أبا ‏مصعب الزرقاوي في تحريضه الطائفي المذهبي البغيض! ألم تكن أنت جزءاً من لائحة تيار المستقبل في انتخابات ‏الشمال ـــــ تلك الانتخابات التي قبّحت مسار الانتخابات اللبنانية في التاريخ اللبناني المعاصر بحدّتها الطائفية ‏والمذهبية ـــــ وتطالبني بأمثلة؟تبدو مندهشاً، أو تتصنّع الاندهاش لتقول إنني لا أعرف معنى «التطاول على الشهادة والشهداء»؟ عمن تتحدث ‏هنا يا حضرة الوزير؟ ماذا تعني بالتطاول، ومن هم الشهداء الذين تتّهمني بالتطاول عليهم؟ إلا إذا كنت تعني رفيق ‏الحريري؟ ألم تكتفِ بدورك البكّائي هنا؟ ألم تتوقف عن هطل الدموع؟ ألم تنته فترة الحداد؟ وإلامَ تدوم فترة ‏الارتزاق من الاغتيال يا حضرة الوزير؟ ألم تكتفِ بسنتين أو أكثر من التملّق لعائلة الحريري؟ أما اكتفيت يا سيد ‏فتفت؟ وهل ذرفت دمعة واحدة على من قُتل على يد جيش الاحتلال الإسرائيلي وهو يدافع عن أرض وطنه؟ هل ‏نسيت هؤلاء؟ هل ذرفت دمعاً على الأبرياء من المدنيين الذين قتلوا بنار جيش الاحتلال؟ أجل، أنا لست ممن ‏يخشون انتقاد رفيق الحريري ولست ممن يتصنّع دموعاً في المآقي؟ وأنا لن أتوقف عن انتقاد رفيق الحريري لتركه ‏لنا إرثا سياسياً واقتصادياً مدمراً.‏أما عن ثكنة مرجعيون فأنا أتعجب من أنك لا تجد حرجاً في الحديث ـــــ مجرد الحديث ـــــ عن الموضوع. ثم ألا ‏تستهين بعقولنا عندما تستعين في الدفاع عن نفسك بتقرير (أو «تحقيق») صادر عن وزارتك أنتَ؟ أوتمزح يا حضرة ‏الوزير؟ أتريدنا أن نثق بتحقيق في مسلك وزارة الداخلية صادر عن وزارة الداخلية؟ حقاً، ان لكل مرحلة في لبنان ‏عضّومها ومسالكها العضّومية. وما هو مآل الفساد أو الشفافية في لبنان إذا كانت الوزارة تحاسب نفسها بنفسها؟ أهذه ‏هي الدولة المدنية التي تتحدثون عنها صباح مساء؟ وهل ستعدلون القانون بحيث نعيش في مرحلة في المستقبل نجد ‏فيها أن المتهم يحاسب نفسه بنفسه، ثم يحاكم نفسه بنفسه؟ أوتمزح يا حضرة وزير الرياضة البدنية؟الصدقية، دعني أزيدك علماً يا سيد فتفت، لا تُشترى. «هي أشياءُ لا تُشترى» كما قال أمل دنقل في قصيدة «لا ‏تصالح». ولو تسدي لي خدمة يا سيد فتفت، لذكّرت رفاقك في تيار الحريري بأن هناك أشياء وبشراً لا يُشترون. ‏ذكّرهم بذلك وهم يتسوقون البشر في المواسم الانتخابية.

*أستاذ العلوم السياسية في جامعة كاليفورنيا

(موقعه على الإنترنت: angryarab.blogspot.com)

15 injured in Lebanon forest fires

02/10/2007 10:28 DEIR AL-QAMAR, Lebanon, Oct 2 (AFP)

Fifteen people were injured in fires that raged across forests and damaged houses to the north and east of the Lebanese capital on Tuesday, a local official said.
"Fifteen people suffered injuries and burns, while 20 others were treated for respiratory problems" in the Shouf mountains east of Beirut, Deir al-Qamar municipality official Edy Renno told AFP.
"About 10 houses were partly burnt in the same region. Most of them were damaged on the rooftops because fires reached nearby trees," he said.
He said several hectares of woods and valleys had caught fire in the ancient town of Deir al-Qamar and nearby villages where people wore surgical masks because of the smoke.
In valleys in and around Deir al-Qamar, acres of pine trees were burnt, an AFP correspondent at the scene said. Several electricity and telephone poles had collapsed on the side of the town's main road.
Renno said two square kilometers (almost one square mile) of forest had been damaged in Deir al-Qamar where army helicopter and fire engines were struggling to extinguish the fires.
Elias Nohra, a 42-year-old lawyer from Deir al-Qamar, told AFP that "the fires started last night at around 8 pm (1700 GMT) between Deir al-Qamar and (the nearby town of) Beiteddine."
"Guys from the region went out to extinquish the fires. They thought they did, but then in the morning, the fires started again and spread even more because of the wind,," he said.
Civil defence workers, backed by Lebanese army helicopters, were also deployed to extinguish blazes in the north of the country.
The fires "swept across hectares (acres) of forests" in Qobeyyat and Andaqt in northern Lebanon, forcing several schools to shut down, a civil defense official told AFP.
Police and civil defense could not confirm the cause of the fires that spread every year across mountainous regions in Lebanon toward the end of the dry summer season.

ماذا سيسمع سعد الحريري في البيت الأبيض؟

رؤوف شحوري - الأنوار

اذا كان النائب سعد الحريري والزعيم الاشتراكي وليد جنبلاط ينتميان الى كتلة متراصة واحدة هي فريق (14 آذار)، ومتفقين على استراتيجية واحدة كما يؤكد الحريري، فالسؤال هو: لماذا لا يذهبان معاً الى واشنطن? ولماذا يصر الرئيس بوش على استقبال كل منهما منفرداً? وهل الكلام الأميركي سيكون واحداً في كل لقاء? وفي هذه الحالة، ما الفائدة من التجزئة? أما اذا كان الكلام الأميركي سيكون مختلفاً في كل لقاء عن الآخر، فما هي مصلحة الزعيمين اللبنانيين في ذلك? بل وما هي مصلحة فريق (14 آذار) ككل? الولايات المتحدة لاعب منفرد في العالم وبخاصة بعد انهيار الاتحاد السوفياتي، وبصفة أخص في عهد الرئيس بوش. وهي رفضت دور الشراكة مع رؤساء من أمثال طوني بلير وجاك شيراك وفلاديمير بوتين وغيرهم، وهم يمثلون دولاً عظمى كبريطانيا وفرنسا وروسيا، كما لم تعترف بأي استثناء لأحد. وأميركا تعمل على المستوى القاري، وليس لبنان في نظرها أكثر من - عفواً من الوطن - (موطئ قدم) على رقعة الشرق الأوسط، ولن يكون هو الاستثناء، ولن يكون لأي زعيم سياسي فيه أكثر مما كان لبلير وشيراك وبوتين! *** السياسة في عهد بوش صدامية وقمعية، ولا تعترف بالهزيمة، وستظل تهاجم وتضرب وتحاول حتى اليوم الأخير من ولاية بوش الى أن تحقق ما تعتبر أنه (انجاز للمهمة) و...النصر! وكانت تعتقد أنها قادرة على تحقيق الهدف بالقوة العسكرية الطاغية وحدها. وطورت سياستها بعد ثلاث سنوات من الفشل الى الضرب على محورين: الأول بالقوة العسكرية والثاني هو تفتيت مسرح العمليات وتقسيمه الى كيانات متنافرة. والسياسة الأميركية بصفة عامة، وخاصة في عهد بوش، حادة وقاطعة. ومنطقها هو: اذا كانت التفاحة (أو النفط!) بيد غيرك فالمهمة هي أن تخطفها لنفسك. واذا كانت التفاحة بيدك، فهذا العقل الأميركي المستأثر، لا يفهم معنى أن يتقاسمها مع غيره. وهذا هو موقف الادارة الأميركية في أفغانستان والعراق والشرق الأوسط وأوروبا وآسيا والصين.

***وصلت ادارة بوش الى وضع في لبنان تعتقد معه أنها أصبحت الناخب الوحيد في الانتخابات الرئاسية اللبنانية ما دامت إمكانية الانتخاب بالنصف+1 قائمة ومستمرة. وما دامت التفاحة في يدها فهي لا تفهم أن تتقاسمها مع غيرها. أما اذا كان هذا الخيار يخلق مشكلة للبنانيين فهذه مشكلتهم هم لا مشكلتها هي، في نظرها. ولبنان هو الساحة الوحيدة التي تستطيع أميركا أن تستخدمها للضغط على كل الأطراف الأخرى العربية، المعادية لها أو حتى الصديقة، عند الضرورة. ولن يستمع سعد الحريري في البيت الأبيض الى غير نصيحة المضي بخيار النصف+1 وليس بخيار الرئيس التوافقي، الذي أياً كانت هويته سيضطر الى اتباع سياسة غير صدامية، لا مع سوريا ولا مع غيرها. أما وليد جنبلاط فليس في حاجة الى أن يستمع الى ما يقنعه بما هو مقتنع به أصلاً وموجة التفاؤل الراهنة في لبنان هي نوع من تعاطي الوهم اللذيذ، والعبرة هي في التعاطي مع الحقائق المرة باقتراب مواعيد الاستحقاق!